Chiles Independence Day September 18, 1810

On September 18, 1810, Chile broke from Spanish rule, declaring their independence (although they still were theoretically loyal to King Ferdinand VII of Spain, then a captive of the French). This declaration eventually led to over a decade of violence and warring which did not end until the last royalist stronghold fell in 1826. September 18 is celebrated in Chile as Independence Day. Prelude to Independence In 1810, Chile was a relatively small and isolated part of the Spanish Empire. It was ruled by a governor, appointed by the Spanish, who answered to the Viceroy in Buenos Aires. Chiles de facto independence in 1810 came about as a result of a number of factors, including a corrupt governor, the French occupation of Spain and growing sentiment for independence. A Crooked Governor The governor of Chile, Francisco Antonio Garcà ­a Carrasco, was involved in a huge scandal in October of 1808. The British whaling frigate Scorpion visited Chilean shores to sell a load of smuggled cloth, and Garcà ­a Carrasco was part of a conspiracy to steal the smuggled goods. During the robbery, the captain of the Scorpion and some of his sailors were murdered, and the resulting scandal forever besmirched Garcà ­a Carrasco’s name. For a while, he could not even govern and had to hide out at his hacienda in Concepcià ³n. This mismanagement by a Spanish official fueled the fire of independence. Growing Desire for Independence All throughout the New World, European colonies were clamoring for independence. Spains colonies looked to the north, where the United States had thrown off their British masters and made their own nation. In northern South America, Simà ³n Bolivar, Francisco de Miranda, and others were working for independence for New Granada. In Mexico, Father Miguel Hidalgo would kick off Mexicos War for Independence in September of 1810 after months of conspiracies and aborted insurrections on the part of the Mexicans. Chile was no different: Patriots such as Bernardo de Vera Pintado had already been working towards independence. France Invades Spain In 1808, France invaded Spain and Portugal, and Napoleon Bonaparte put his brother on the Spanish throne after capturing King Charles IV and his heir, Ferdinand VII. Some Spaniards set up a loyalist government, but Napoleon was able to defeat it. The French occupation of Spain caused chaos in the colonies. Even those loyal to the Spanish crown did not want to send taxes to the French government of occupation. Some regions and cities, such as Argentina and Quito, chose a middle ground: they declared themselves loyal but independent until such a time as Ferdinand was restored to the throne. Argentine Independence In May 1810, Argentine Patriots took power in what was known as the May Revolution, essentially deposing the Viceroy. Governor Garcà ­a Carrasco attempted to assert his authority by arresting two Argentines, Josà © Antonio de Rojas and Juan Antonio Ovalle, as well as Chilean patriot Bernardo de Vera Pintado and sending them to Peru, where another Spanish Viceroy still clung to power. Furious Chilean patriots did not allow the men to be deported: They took to the streets and demanded an open town hall to determine their future. On July 16, 1810, Garcà ­a Carrasco saw the writing on the wall and voluntarily stepped down. Rule of Mateo de Toro y Zambrano The resulting town hall elected Count Mateo de Toro y Zambrano to serve as governor. A soldier and member of an important family, De Toro was well-meaning but a bit daffy in his advancing years (he was in his 80’s). The leading citizens of Chile were divided: some wanted a clean break from Spain, others (mostly Spaniards living in Chile) wanted to remain loyal, and still others preferred the middle route of limited independence until such time as Spain got back on its feet. Royalists and Patriots alike used de Toro’s brief reign to prepare their arguments. The September 18 Meeting Chiles leading citizens called for a meeting on September 18 to discuss the future. Three hundred of Chiles leading citizens attended: most were Spaniards or wealthy Creoles from important families. At the meeting, it was decided to follow the path of Argentina: create an independent government, nominally loyal to Ferdinand VII. The Spaniards in attendance saw it for what it was—independence behind the veil of loyalty—but their objections were overruled. A junta was elected, and de Toro y Zambrano was named President. The Legacy of Chile’s September 18 Movement The new government had four short-term goals: establish a Congress, raise a national army, declare free trade, and get in contact with the junta then leading Argentina. The meeting on September 18 set Chile firmly on the path to independence and was the first Chilean self-government since before the days of the conquest. It also marked the arrival on the scene of Bernardo OHiggins, son of a former Viceroy. OHiggins participated in the September 18 meeting and would eventually become Chiles greatest hero of Independence. Chiles path to Independence would be a bloody one, as patriots and royalists would fight up and down the length of the nation for the next decade. Nevertheless, independence was inevitable for the former Spanish colonies and the September 18 meeting was an important first step. Celebrations Today, September 18 is celebrated in Chile as their Independence Day. It is remembered with the fiestas patrias or national parties. The celebrations kick off in early September and can last for weeks. All over Chile, people celebrate with food, parades, reenactments, and dancing and music. The national rodeo finals are held in Rancagua, thousands of kites fill the air in Antofagasta, in Maule they play traditional games, and many other places have traditional celebrations. If youre going to Chile, the middle of September is a great time to visit to catch the festivities. Sources Concha Cruz, Alejandor and Maltà ©s Cortà ©s, Julio. Historia de Chile Santiago: Bibliogrà ¡fica Internacional, 2008.Harvey, Robert. Liberators: Latin Americas Struggle for Independence Woodstock: The Overlook Press, 2000.Lynch, John. The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826 New York: W. W. Norton Company, 1986.Scheina, Robert L. Latin Americas Wars, Volume 1: The Age of the Caudillo 1791-1899 Washington, D.C.: Brasseys Inc., 2003.

Report on the Canterbury Earthquake of 2011 - 1053 Words

A report On the Canterbury Earthquake 2011 Introduction This report will show the reader about which areas and buildings around the Canterbury region were critically damaged and inaccessible to the public during and after the earth quake which hit the Canterbury region and was felt beyond the region as well, it will split into two categories cultural and natural effects. I will also be referring to my â€Å"special analysis â€Å"data. Also in the report I will show you were the CDEM should be located in case of another serious natural disaster might occur. The Canterbury Region, as shown in figure 1 is New Zealand largest region ranging to about 25,252 sq. km with a population of 462,783 (updated on 2006).One of the biggest cities who was hit hard by the quake was Christchurch, which most of this report is going to talk about. Cultural The Christchurch earth quake had many cultural effects that occurred during and after the quake such streets and houses: Properties and streets were buried in thick layers of silt, and water and sewage from broken pipes flooded streets. House foundations cracked and buckled wrecking many homes. Several thousand homes will have to be demolished, and some sections of suburbs will probably never be re-occupied such as houses in the red zone, as shown in figure 10. Another cultural effect was critically damaged buildings in the CBD area, as shown in figure 13. The critically damaged buildings that were brought down were buildings previously damaged in theShow MoreRelatedThe Disaster Of New Zealand1548 Words   |  7 PagesOn February 22nd 2011, a delayed aftershock of a previous earthquake occurred in Christchurch, New Zealand. 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Girl-Child Education free essay sample

However, the economic performance of the country by all indices can best be described as abysmal, unfocused, erratic, and largely unimpressive with attendant socio-economic and political consequences. Ekpo (1987) in Bassy and Atan(2012) states that the issues that constitute Nigeria’s’ crises of underdevelopment and the poor growth performance of the economy are depicted in the rising incidence of poverty, massive and graduate unemployment, skyrocketing inflation, worsening balance of payment, disequilibrium, monumental external debt burden, widening income disparity, and growing fiscal imbalance. This observation made over two decades ago are even more prevalent today particularly massive unemployment and poverty which can be categorized as the catalyst for other socio-economic problems facing the country today. Nigeria is said to have a massive population of young people. Statistics from the manpower Board and the Federal Bureau of Statistics indicate that out of the estimated population of 150 million, 80 million which constitute 60% are youths; 64 million representing 60% are unemployed, while 1. We will write a custom essay sample on Girl-Child Education or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Ekpo, A. H. (1987) Distortions in economic theory and methods: The Nigerian scene. In proceedings of NES Annual Conference, 67-105. Bassy, G. E. and Atan, J. A. (2012) labour Market Distortions and University Unemployment in Nigeria: Issues and Remedies. Current Research Journal of Economic Theory 4(3) 67-76.

By Cindy Patton free essay sample

By Cindy PattonThe Gateway to the South On July 29, 1958, a sub-committee of the much-criticized House Committee on Un-American Activities opened a three-day investigation into communism in the American South. Concerned not to offend the marginally progressive city of Atlanta, the presiding chairman Edwin E. Willis of Louisiana (who had assumed the duties for this hearing in place of Francis E. Walter of Pennsylvania, Chair of the HUAC as a whole), told reporters thatWe are here to trace the web of Communist penetration in the industrialized areas of the South. We picked Atlanta for our hearings because it is centrally located and the gateway to the South . . . . were not investigating Atlanta as such. (Probe 1)Indeed, while Atlantas mayor William B. Hartsfield – who, during the heyday of the civil rights movement, busily promoted the idea of Atlanta as the city that is too busy to hate – had welcomed the subcommittee, which he learned, earlier in July, was headed his way. He told his regional newspaper that I think theres very little communist activity in this section. Likewise, Georgias state attorney general Eugene Cook offered full cooperation from both his department and the Georgia Bureau of Investigation, although he, too, said there were few communists in the state. (Moore, 1958, 8) As the hearings unfolded, it became clearer that several of those who appeared, notably Carl Braden, who had appeared before the Committee in North Carolina, and Frank Wilkerson, who had appeared before the Committee in Los Angles, were strategically testifying in Atlanta order to create the basis for legal challenges to the constitutionality of the committee and its hearings. Although the Committee only had standing to collect information about the structure of the supposed communist groups, these post-WWII through early 1960s era hearings netted tens of thousands of pages of testimony. In these documents were list upon list of individuals who attended a meeting, received mail, ofr otherwise even the most remote form of contact with groups imaged by the Committee to be part of a vast networks of communist and communist-sympathetic organizations. Once a group was declared subversive, attending a meeting or receiving mail from it placed an individual on the subversiv es list, a practice know as citation.The evidentiary rules for HUAC were in practice nearly non-existent. Athough their legal power was limited to issuing supoeanas, their managed to strike terror across America by threating to jail individuals for contempt if they refused to testify. Their loose attention to what would normally be constitutionally protected procedural rules for prosecution created a frustrating gap between the information they obtained and the actions of the FBI, state bureaus of investigation, and other government policing agencies. The overreach of the Committee in relationship to its legal power also complicated the act of testifying: many people invoked the Fifth Amendment – that against being forced to incriminate oneself – even though the legal status of testimony before HUAC was equivocal, that is, since it was not a courtroom, it was not clear whether the Fifth Amendment applied. There was, therefore, considerable confusion about the relationship between the Houses citations and criminal or legal action that might be investigated and prosecuted by police at the local, state, or national level. Thus, while citations were unproven suggestions of un-American activity, the high level of paranoia about spies meant that at the time, those who ran afoul of the Committee were popularly understood as traitors. To make matters worse, HUAC members regularly read lists of names into the publicly-accessible Congressional Record, making it easy for anyone to find out who HUAC believed was a subversive.Th e general outlines of story of HUAC is well known by most Americans, and indeed, by the time of the Atlanta hearings, the worst of the Committees inquisitorial activity was more or less completed. Northern and West Coast officials considered the Committee and its most famous head – Joe McCarthy – to be aberations who had finally be relegated to the pile of paranoic ideas. Indeed today, the idea of the McCarthy era is part of the lexicon, and the use of this allegation has reemerged on both sides of the aisle during the Trump presidency . But it is important to give specificity to this attribution, especially since the current context and that of the Atlanta HUAC hearings, is one in which the voting rights of African Americans are at stake. Whatever the average American knows about the anti-communist over-reach of HUAC, few beyond historians of the period realize that what began as an anti-semitic purge of Jews from Hollywood and the media, ended in an effort to thwart racial integration in the South, and more specifically, to prevent Black people from voting. In this essay, I consider the contemporaneous impressions of HUAC in Atlanta and compare this with the book-to-film production of William Faulkners Intruder in the Dust. The race relations in the southland of the 1950s were deeply unreconcilled, still emotionally tied to defeat of the Confederacy less than a century earlier, and still dominated by the extra-judicial power – indeed, terrorism – of white racist individuals, organizations (Ku Klux Kl an), and by state and local government practices that enforced racial segregation. I use the Faulkner-based film to reconstruct an epistemology of what white and Black Southerners could know about the racist system in which they lived.